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LNAT Lessons
Continue: Inferences3/8
Practice Tests
Continue: Mock 77/12
Section A Practice
Continue: Main Argument27/163
Section B Practice
Continue: Essay 33/200
Study Plan
MockSection ASection B
September 2026
MonTueWedThuFriSatSun
31
Main argument
1
2
Essay: Free will
3
4
5
6
Mock 4
7
8
Inferences
9
10
Mock 5
11
12
Essay: Free speech
13
Assertions
14
Essay: Privacy
15
16
17
Comparisons
18
19
Mock 6
20
21
22
Language and tone
23
24
Essay: Punishment
25
Rhetorical purpose
26
27
Mock 7
28
Main argument
29
30
1
Mock 8
2
3
Essay: Free will
4
This week2 day streak
Progress
28
Latest mock
26
Mock average
DeadlinesSee all
Oct1
Mock 818:00, 1 h 35 min
Oct3
Free will essay17:30, 40 min
Oct6
Free speech essay17:30, 40 min
Oct7
Inferences drill18:30, 45 min
Dec19
LNAT test day10:30, 135 mins

12 full-length timed practice tests

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LNAT Mock Sample: Section A
1 of 1

France's Democratic Crisis

France has been experiencing an unprecedented political crisis since President Emmanuel Macron dissolved parliament in June 2024. For political scientist Rémi Lefebvre, this deadlock is not only institutional: it reveals a crisis of representative governance fuelled by mistrust, social fragmentation and the erosion of majority rule. Following the dissolution and the legislative elections that followed it, the governments of prime ministers Michel Barnier, François Bayrou and Sébastien Lecornu have all been unable to govern. Many commentators have suggested that this deadlock could be linked to a lack of compromise among political parties, or to unhelpful institutional rules. On the contrary, it seems that the disruption runs much deeper. The relationship with politics in France has changed in recent decades, and the current crisis is merely a symptom of the erosion and breakdown of the link between voter and representative itself. In France, particularly since the 1970s, we have become accustomed to the "majority system": the president was elected by direct universal suffrage and needed a majority in parliament, which he generally obtained. Political life had a routine rhythm of alternating majorities. Then this system gradually broke down. The lack of alternatives to this rhythm has led to a proliferation of political parties, creating chronic disillusionment in each political camp. The rise of the far right, which claims to embody a new path, is associated with the blurring of the left-right divide. In 2017, the arrival of Macron was seen as the result of the exhaustion of this divide and a response to the democratic crisis, driven by a rhetoric of "transcendence".

But the president has exacerbated the crisis by pushing the margins to extremes and, ultimately, polarising political life while shifting his own position to the right. Macron has fuelled the far right, and he has weakened the left. While there are strong calls for compromise, on the left, the Socialist Party (PS) is under the thumb of La France Insoumise (France Unbowed or LFI) and constantly exposed to accusations of "treason". The difficulty in building majorities, linked to the tripartite nature of political life, is exacerbated by internal fragmentation within each bloc. However, this crisis cannot be understood solely in terms of political manoeuvring. We must also take into account changes in the relationship between voters and politics. Since the early 2000s, the very mechanism of elections has been called into question. The legitimacy given to those in power by elections is increasingly weak, as explained by historian Pierre Rosanvallon. This is reinforced by the widespread development of strategic voting: people are increasingly voting "usefully" in order to eliminate candidates, but voters are no longer really expressing their preferences, which weakens their commitment to the appointment of a representative and the legitimacy of that representative. Thus, the electoral process is fundamentally flawed: this is referred to as "negative" democracy. We eliminate more than we choose.

Furthermore, the fragmentation of political identities partly reflects the fragmentation of society itself. The crisis of governance or governability is linked to a more individualised and fragmented society, exacerbated by inequalities and a form of separatism. Identities and divisions are more complex and less structured by homogeneous class identities, as explained by sociologist Gérard Mauger. If political parties are unwilling to compromise, it is also because they do not want to disappoint the divided social groups that still support them and because they fear "betraying" distrustful voters and increasingly volatile and narrow electoral constituencies. Society is more polarised (the emotional polarisation caused by social media is undeniable), which also makes political compromises more difficult. We could add that the fragmentation and splintering of voters' political identities is exacerbated by the weakness of the parties and their large number - there are now 11 parliamentary groups in the National Assembly, which is a record.

Rémi Lefebvre Professeur de science politique université Lille 2, Université de Lille · The Conversation · CC BY-ND 4.0 · “Lecornu, Bayrou, Barnier: how the resignation of three French prime ministers signals a profound crisis in democracy”

Which of the following, if true, would weaken the writer's argument the most?

Practice session

Critical Ignoring

The textbook cognitive strategy is critical thinking, an intellectually disciplined, self-guided and effortful process to help identify valid information. In school, students are taught to closely and carefully read and evaluate information. Thus equipped, they can evaluate the claims and arguments they see, hear, or read. No objection. The ability to think critically is immensely important. But is it enough in a world of information overabundance and gushing sources of disinformation? The answer is "No" for at least two reasons. First, the digital world contains more information than the world's libraries combined. Much of it comes from unvetted sources and lacks reliable indicators of trustworthiness. Critically thinking through all information and sources we come across would utterly paralyse us because we would never have time to actually read the valuable information we painstakingly identify. Second, investing critical thinking in sources that should have been ignored in the first place means that attention merchants and malicious actors have been gifted what they wanted, our attention. So, what tools do we have at our disposal beyond critical thinking? In our recent article, we - a philosopher, two cognitive scientists and an education scientist - argue that as much as we need critical thinking we also need critical ignoring. Critical ignoring is the ability to choose what to ignore and where to invest one's limited attentional capacities. Critical ignoring is more than just not paying attention - it's about practising mindful and healthy habits in the face of information overabundance. We understand it as a core competence for all citizens in the digital word.

Without it, we will drown in a sea of information that is, at best, distracting and, at worst, misleading and harmful. Three main strategies exist for critical ignoring. Each one responds to a different type of noxious information. In the digital world, self-nudging aims to empower people to be citizen "choice architects" by designing their informational environments in ways that work best for them and that constrain their activities in beneficial ways. We can, for instance, remove distracting and irresistible notifications. We may set specific times in which messages can be received, thereby creating pockets of time for concentrated work or socialising. Self-nudging can also help us take control of our digital default settings, for instance, by restricting the use of our personal data for purposes of targeted advertisement.

Lateral reading is a strategy that enables people to emulate how professional fact checkers establish the credibility of online information. It involves opening up new browser tabs to search for information about the organisation or individual behind a site before diving into its contents. Only after consulting the open web do skilled searchers gauge whether expending attention is worth it. Before critical thinking can begin, the first step is to ignore the lure of the site and check out what others say about its alleged factual reports. Lateral reading thus uses the power of the web to check the web. Most students fail at that task. Past studies show that, when deciding whether a source should be trusted, students (as well as university professors) do what years of school has taught them to do - they read closely and carefully. Attention merchants as well as merchants of doubt are jubilant.

Ralph Hertwig Director, Center for Adaptive Rationality, Max Planck Institute for Human Development; Anastasia Kozyreva Cognitive scientist, Max Planck Institute for Human Development; Sam Wineburg Professor of Education and (by courtesy) History, Stanford University · The Conversation · CC BY-ND 4.0 · “When critical thinking isn't enough: to beat information overload, we need to learn 'critical ignoring'”

Q01 / 3Main argument
The writers' main argument is that:
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LNAT Mock Sample: Section A
1 of 1

National Pharmacare Access

Everyone in Canada, regardless of income or postal code, deserves access to the contraception that is right for them, without cost standing in the way. As former Federal Health Minister Mark Holland stated when announcing national pharmacare on Feb. 29, 2024: "Waking up in a country where every single woman has access to the contraception she needs to control her future is an absolutely critical part of having a just society." He added: "This is about health equity." When women can't afford contraception, the risk of unplanned pregnancy increases. When contraception is accessible without financial or logistical barriers, women are more likely to plan pregnancies around their health, education, career and family goals. This benefits not only the individual but also children, families and society overall by improving gender equity in education and workforce participation, reducing poverty and supporting better health outcomes. Beyond this, free contraception is a cost-effective policy, expected to save our health systems money in the long term by reducing health-care costs linked with unplanned pregnancies. Some critics argue that many Canadians already have drug insurance and plans that cover contraceptive costs. But that doesn't tell the whole story. Most private and public plans do not cover 100 per cent of prescription drug costs. Deductibles and co-pays leave patients paying at least a portion out-of-pocket, and some private plans exclude contraception altogether. The most effective contraceptives (intrauterine devices (IUDs) and subdermal implants) can cost up to $450 up front, even with coverage.

Many young people or those working in seasonal or temporary jobs don't have drug insurance at all. Others choose to pay out-of-pocket to avoid having birth control charges show up on a shared plan with a partner, spouse or parent - to preserve privacy. That is why first-dollar, universal coverage for contraception - as outlined in federal pharmacare - is essential. It guarantees access free from financial strain, coercion, loss of privacy or compromise. If Canada's pre-existing mix of public and private insurance provided sufficient access to contraception, we would have seen little or no change when contraception became free in B.C. But we did see change. Our research showed a 49 per cent increase in the use of the most effective contraceptive methods when they were available at no cost.

This provides clear evidence that cost has been a barrier for individuals in B.C. and highlights a critical point: without universal coverage, many Canadians simply cannot afford their preferred method of birth control. When costs are taken out of the equation, more people choose the most effective contraception methods. Similarly, when Ontario provided universal prescription coverage for youth 24 years old or younger in 2018, we found that prescriptions for IUDs and oral contraceptive pills jumped, with the greatest increases for those in low-income areas. When this coverage was revised to exclude those with private insurance, use declined. This shows us that private insurance is inadequate to cover gaps in contraception needs, especially for youth. All Canadians seeking to manage their reproductive futures deserve equitable access to safe, effective and affordable contraception. Our new findings show just how strongly cost influences these choices.

Elizabeth Nethery Postdoctoral research fellow, University of British Columbia; Amanda Black Professor of Obstetrics and Gynecology, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa; Amanda K Downey PhD Candidate, Health Research Methodology, McMaster University · The Conversation · CC BY-ND 4.0 · “The evidence is clear: National pharmacare for contraception can't wait”

Which of the following situations is most similar to the writers' reasoning that cost was a barrier to contraception in B.C. and Ontario?

Incorrect. The answer is B

A. Incorrect. This is similar in part, but the airline brings back fees for every passenger. Ontario removed free cover only from those “with private insurance”, and the writers' point depends on that group.

B. Correct. The writers' evidence has two steps: use rose when contraception became free, and in Ontario “use declined” when coverage “was revised to exclude those with private insurance”. The bus scheme has both steps, and in each case the conclusion is that cost deterred even some people who had another option.

C. Incorrect. This only has the first step, a rise when travel becomes free. It does not include anything similar to what happened in Ontario when cover was removed from those “with private insurance”.

D. Incorrect. The managers blame the fall on the weather, so no conclusion about price is reached. The writers, in contrast, conclude from the changes in use that “cost has been a barrier”.

LNAT Mock Sample: Section B
Time remaining 40:00
Law and justice
Can punishment be justified if it does not prevent future crime?Aim for 500-600 words (750 max).
Word count: 0

200 essay prompts with model notes

Choose from 200 Section B prompts on a wide range of topics. For each one, model notes set out the main arguments, the strongest objections and the distinctions a good essay draws.

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Study PlanSeptember 2026
  • Mock
  • Section A
  • Section B
MonTueWedThuFriSatSun
31Main argument
1
2Essay: Free will
3
4
5
6Mock 4
7
8Inferences
9
10Mock 5
11
12Essay: Free speech
13Assertions
14Essay: Privacy
15
16
17Comparisons
18
19Mock 6
20
21
22Language and tone
23
24Essay: Punishment
25Rhetorical purpose
26
27Mock 7
28Main argument
29
30
1Mock 8
2
3Essay: Free will
4

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